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'Concrete alliances on issues where we have agreement can be formed' |
This article by two members of Labour Briefing Editorial Board is reprinted with the authors' permission.
Mike Phipps (Brent Central CLP)
and Sue Lukes (Islington North CLP) suggest five priorities for the
Labour leader following his re-election
The 2016 campaign for re-election may have added new members to the
Labour Party and helped popularise some of our key ideas, but ultimately it was
always an unnecessary distraction. The reality is that Britain and all of its
key political institutions are in deep crisis. The priority now for the Corbyn
leadership is to address the country, not the Party. We must now prepare to win
the next General Election.
To do this, firstly, a broad political alliance needs to be
constructed. Current electoral geography is against us, in particular the
dominance of the SNP in Scotland, but also the expected loss of safe Labour
seats resulting from the government’s gerrymandered redrawing of constituency
boundaries. Labour is going to need to work with community groups, trade
unions, tenants, single issue campaigns and other parties from the bottom up on
key fronts - health, education, civil liberties, housing, migrant rights.
Party patriotism cannot be allowed to get in the way of building the
broadest possible unity around campaigns on these issues, on many of which
there will be stronger supporters among Greens, Nationalists and even some Lib
Dems than among some of Labour’s right
wing. Concrete alliances on issues where we have agreement can be forged, as
some members of the Shadow Cabinet are already doing. These will be popular and
can isolate and expose those right wing leadership elements in all parties that
reject mutual co-operation against the Tory government’s offensive.
Two institutional flaws in Britain’s
inadequate democracy need to be put back on the table. The idea that this Tory
government be allowed to claim a democratic mandate on just 36% of those who
voted in the 2015 General Election is a scandal. To say that Labour too got
away with this in the past is not good enough. The fact that Caroline Lucas,
the newly elected joint leader of the Greens, has made proportional
representation a “red line” in any discussion with Labour on
electoral pacts makes this debate an unavoidable one for us.
Likewise, if real progress is to be made in Scotland and Wales, this
could mean strategic alliances with nationalist forces if that’s what it takes to get Labour into
government. For that to happen, Labour will have to stop playing “catch-up” on the national question and commit to the broadest possible devolution
across the UK’s
regions.
Our second big challenge: whatever problems the Party continues
to face at national level, we must build on our base in local government and
work with councillors to help define the agenda they need to deliver services.
The work that Jon Trickett did on regional devolution in the 2015 leadership
election can be taken forward, drawing on some of the new mayors, for example
in Bristol, and mayoral candidates, in the North West, who are not hostile to
Corbyn’s leadership.
Thirdly, we need to introduce some mechanisms for
popular consultation on policy. These could be citizens’ assemblies or Podemos-style online
circles to refine and develop policy ideas. While this is a radical departure
in Labour policymaking, it fits in with Jeremy Corbyn’s own proposals, announced in August, to
lead a digital revolution and strengthen online democracy. The aim would be to
ensure that not just the leader but every policy has a mandate. Local party
branches could play a key role in reaching out to ensure these frameworks have
a real place in local political activity.
Fourthly, we have to have a clear idea of what kind
of Brexit we want. By prioritising the removal of Jeremy Corbyn, many on Labour’s right who claim the Party did too little
in the referendum campaign squandered a real opportunity to take the offensive
on this issue against a Tory government that was - is - clueless on how to deal
with Brexit. We must provide leadership on this: full integration into the
single market must be a central goal. Bilateral trade agreements, let alone
service agreements, are just unserious - the government has so little expertise
on this, it is hiring expensive outside consultants to do the work. Seeking
bilateral solutions can lead only to a further enfeebling of Britain’s declining industrial base. We also need
to resolutely defend EU social entitlements and European Convention human
rights for all citizens and residents from impending Tory attack.
Fifthly, our Party is in a mess at all levels,
with the exception of the grassroots where the phenomenal increase in
membership, trebling what it was 18 months ago, poses new challenges. We have
to continue to encourage and listen to these new members if we are to retain
them and make them active ingredients in a Labour victory. To this end, the
full-time apparatus must be reshaped to ensure it is at the service of the
members, helping them to play a full role in the Party, rather than playing a
factional role, even excluding members from activity, as we have seen in recent
months.
Jeremy Corbyn’s re-election
is also an opportunity to strengthen the team around the leadership. Last year’s unexpected win necessitated a hasty
pulling together from scratch of a new team, with all its inevitable teething
troubles. This year’s
long-expected victory should provide the impetus to recruit some of the finest
experts who want to serve. We need a focused, efficient operation,
outward-looking and responsive to the electorate, strategic in its vision and
clear and concise in its core messages.
What about the MPs? The war in the PLP has to end. It’s appalling that Labour MPs who claim to
care so passionately about EU membership have dragged us into these internal
squabbles at a time of national crisis. The plotting has to stop. But if we get
all these other things right, then probably some who resigned from Shadow
Cabinet positions, as well as some who didn’t come on
board before, will be prepared to work with us. If we are magnanimous in
victory and reach out to them, then the diehards whose sole aim is to bring
down Jeremy Corbyn can be isolated from the broader middle ground of the PLP.
Nothing succeeds like success. If we can go beyond the internal contest
to address the concerns and win the trust of voters who didn’t vote Labour last time and now feel betrayed by the
other parties, we can change the political landscape.